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Tinombola Take Two? Indonesia's Papuan Insurgency

Multiple violent incidents involving separatist militants, including an ongoing hostage situation in several villages near Tembagapura, have been reported between October and November in Papua, Indonesia's easternmost province. These incidents have highlighted the continuing threat posed to business operations in the region, particularly to Indonesia's largest and most economically significant mine, writes Rob Attwell.
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On 9 November 2017, Indonesian authorities announced that separatist militants had taken at least 1,300 villagers hostage in the vicinity of the Grasberg mine in Tembagapura, Papua Province. At least 344 of these hostages, all of whom were migrant workers from elsewhere in Indonesia, were subsequently released by the militants. The mine is jointly owned by US multinational Freeport-McMoRan (Freeport), which currently has a 90 percent stake, and the Indonesian government; although, rising economic nationalism prompted Freeport to agree to the sale of a majority stake, 51 percent, to the Indonesian government in August 2017. The Grasberg mine, valued at approximately USD 11 billion, is the largest gold mine, and second largest copper mine, in the world. It produced an estimated one million ounces of gold, and over 500,000 tonnes of copper, in 2016. Authorities identified the Tentara Pembebasan Nasional (TPN – Liberation Army of West Papua), the armed wing of the Organisasi Papua Merdeka (OPM – Free Papua Movement), as being responsible for the hostage situation. 

Meanwhile, since October 2017, multiple shootings near the mine have killed two police officers, one civilian, and injured 12 other people. Freeport evacuated non-essential personnel, and mine workers’ families, in response to these incidents. Freeport also closed Grasberg’s main access route in response to attacks on truckers. Separatist violence, as well as widespread opposition to mining operations in Papua, has long been a feature of business operations in the region. However, the latest incidents were preceded by a failed independence referendum in September 2017. The referendum, in which 70 percent of respondents (1.8 million people) voted in favour of independence, was not recognised by the Indonesian government, and was rejected by the United Nations. The recent escalation therefore marks a shift in the conflict, as the prevailing trend this year had been towards deescalation, characterised by the mass surrender of some 154 militants in March 2017.

The OPM, and other Papuan separatist groups, have waged a low-intensity insurgency since 1969, when the region was incorporated into Indonesia. Many Papuans see Indonesia as a foreign occupier, and characterise the relationship with Jakarta as a form of colonialism. They also accuse the Indonesian authorities of committing widespread human rights abuses against the local population, at least 500,000 of whom have allegedly been killed by security forces since 1969. Additionally, the government’s long-standing transmigration policy, in which migrant workers from other parts of Indonesia were encouraged to settle in Papua, has further aggravated these tensions. While President Joko Widodo, also known as Jokowi, discontinued the policy in 2015, ethnic Papuans now account for less than 50 percent of the population in many districts. 

The Indonesian government is expected to receive USD 40 billion in taxes, royalties, and dividends by 2041 from the Grasberg mine. President Jokowi has vowed to use these revenues for an ambitious infrastructure development programme. However, separatist activists, who also oppose the mine due to its allegedly detrimental impact on the environment, say that ethnic Papuans, most of whom live below the poverty line, have not benefited from the revenue generated by the mine. These grievances make it an attractive target for militants, and local criminal gangs, which raise funds through extortion targeting mine employees.

Economic development, while undoubtedly welcome, will not make the long-standing political grievances disappear.

In response to recent incidents, Indonesia’s security minister, Wiranto (some Indonesians are known by one name), announced that the government is looking into deploying more security personnel to the region. He said Operation Tinombola, a joint police-military operation in jungles around Poso, Central Sulawesi Province, would provide the model for future operations in Papua. Operation Tinombola targeted the Islamist group, Mujahidin Indonesia Timur (MIT - East Indonesia Mujahedeen), and reduced its active membership from 36 to 11 militants between 2016 and 2017. Authorities estimate that at least 120 separatist militants, armed with a combination of homemade and stolen firearms, are responsible for the ongoing hostage situation in Tembagapura. While security operations may be a short-term solution, and mitigate the threat posed by this specific group, an enhanced security presence in the region would likely escalate tensions, and assist militant recruitment efforts, in the medium to long term. Furthermore, the OPM and TPN, are highly factionalised, with numerous splinter groups operating throughout the region. The elimination of one band of militants will therefore have little impact on the overall conflict.

Since coming to power in 2014, President Jokowi has reportedly paid greater personal attention to resolving the Papuan conflict than any of the country’s previous leaders. However, he has been criticised for attempting to use economic inducements, including promises of increased infrastructure spending in the region, to secure peace. Economic development, while undoubtedly welcome, will not make the long-standing political grievances disappear. These will continue to drive insurgent activity for the foreseeable future, and will continue to pose a threat to business operations in Papua, particularly to the largest and most economically significant mine in Indonesia.

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